Journal for Policy & Market Research

The global housing landscape in 2026 is characterized by a “K-shaped” divergence, where record-high home prices and elevated interest rates have created a persistent barrier to homeownership for the working and middle classes, while institutional and small-scale investors increasingly dominate the acquisition of available stock.[1, 2, 3] In the United States, the affordability crisis has reached a generational nadir, with the median existing single-family home price hitting $412,500 in 2024—a figure that represents five times the median household income, significantly exceeding the historical affordability benchmark of 3.0.[1, 4] This fiscal strain is compounded by a chronic supply deficit that has been mounting since the 1950s, a labor shortage valued at over $10 billion annually, and a burgeoning insurance crisis driven by climate-related disasters.[5, 6, 7] To address these systemic failures, policymakers are increasingly looking toward international social housing models, technological disruptions in construction like additive manufacturing, and radical land-use reforms.[8, 9, 10]

The Macroeconomic and Financial Foundations of the 2025 Affordability Crisis

The current state of housing affordability is not the result of a single economic shock but rather the convergence of long-term structural supply constraints and immediate monetary pressures. As of early 2025, households face an environment where home prices have grown by 60 percent nationwide since 2019, while mortgage interest rates have remained stubbornly high, averaging 6.7 percent in 2024.[1, 4] This environment has fundamentally altered the financial calculus of shelter, leading to record-high cost burdens for both renters and homeowners.

The Escalating Cost of Financing and Homeownership Barriers

The transition from the low-interest-rate regime of the previous decade to the current environment has created a profound “lock-in” effect. Homeowners who secured mortgages at rates below 4 percent are disincentivized from selling, which has reduced existing home sales to a 30-year low of approximately 4.06 million units.[1, 4, 11] For prospective first-time buyers, the financial requirements have become nearly insurmountable. Assuming typical loan terms—a 30-year fixed rate with a 3.5 percent down payment—the monthly mortgage payment on a median-priced home reached $2,570 in 2024.[1, 4]

This monthly payment represents a 40 percent increase over 1990 levels after adjusting for inflation.[1, 4] Consequently, the income required to afford a median-priced home using a standard 31 percent debt-to-income ratio has risen to $126,700.[1, 4] In more than half of all US metropolitan areas, a buyer now needs to earn at least $100,000 to qualify for a median-priced home, a dramatic shift from 2021, when only 11 percent of metros required such high earnings.[1]

Cost Burden and Rental Market Instability

The rental market has not provided a reprieve from these pressures. In 2023, the number of cost-burdened renters—defined as those spending more than 30 percent of their income on housing and utilities—reached a record 22.6 million households, representing 50 percent of all renters.[4, 5, 12] Of these, 12.1 million (27 percent) are severely cost-burdened, spending over half of their income on housing.[4, 5]

The implications of these burdens extend beyond housing stability. Roughly 65 percent of working-age renters do not have enough residual income after paying for housing to cover daily essentials like healthcare and food.[5] These challenges are disproportionately concentrated among marginalized communities: 57 percent of Black, 53 percent of Hispanic, and 50 percent of multiracial renter households were cost-burdened in 2023, compared to 46 percent of white households.[5]

US Housing Affordability Metrics: 2023–2025 Trends

Metric	2023 Actual	2024 Actual	2025 (Q1 Est.)
Median Existing Home Price	$387,000	$412,500	$420,000
Avg. 30-Year Mortgage Rate	6.8%	6.7%	6.5% – 6.8%
Median Monthly Payment	$2,480	$2,570	$2,600
Renters with Cost Burden	49.8%	50.0%	50.5%
Homeownership Rate	65.9%	65.6%	65.1%

[1, 4, 12]

Structural Impediments to Housing Supply and Production

The systemic nature of the crisis is rooted in a long-term decline in housing supply intensity. While the US housing stock more than doubled between 1950 and 1980, the annual growth rate has slowed from 4 percent in the 1950s to just 0.6 percent in the 2010s.[13] This stagnation has created a cumulative shortfall estimated at 3.8 million to 5.5 million units.[14]

Regulatory Constraints and the “Empirical Housing Supply Curve”

Research indicates that the relationship between house prices and new construction has weakened significantly. In many of the largest US metropolitan areas, the correlation between price increases and housing growth was lower between 2000 and 2020 than during the 1970–1990 period.[6] This suggests that markets are increasingly unable to respond to demand signals due to land-use regulations and the Wharton Regional Land Use Regulatory Index (WRLURI).[6, 15]

Restrictive zoning laws, such as single-family-only zoning, minimum lot size requirements, and density limits, function as a “tax” on housing development.[15, 16, 17, 18] Studies in California found that stricter regulatory environments increased single-family home prices by nearly 5 percent and rental units by 2.5 percent.[15] These regulations often serve as barriers that prevent the development of affordable housing in areas with high job growth, forcing lower-income households to live far from economic opportunities.[15]

The Role of Permitting Delays and Discretionary Approvals

Even where zoning allows for multifamily housing, the approval process is often slow and unpredictable. Many projects require discretionary approvals, where local planning boards can reject proposals that otherwise meet zoning requirements.[17, 19] This uncertainty increases the “soft costs” of development, including interest payments on land loans, property taxes, and administrative overhead.[19, 20]

A study in Washington State estimated that each additional month spent in the permitting process increases the cost of building by approximately $4,400 per unit.[19] In high-cost markets like New York City, a two-year delay for a mid-rise development can increase per-unit costs by an estimated $50,000.[19] Permitting delays also disproportionately affect smaller builders who are less capitalized to handle the carrying costs of extended approval cycles.[10, 19]

Financial Impact of Permitting Delays by Jurisdiction

Location	Delay Cost per Unit	Delay Duration (Avg)	Total Regulatory Load
Washington State	$4,400 / month	6 – 12 months	1% – 3% of sales price
New York City	$2,083 / month	12 – 24 months	$50,000 / unit
Lee County, FL	$575 / month	6 – 12 months	1.7% of sales price
Los Angeles, CA	$3,500 / month	9 months (pre-reform)	High

[19, 20]

The Industrial Dimension: Labor Shortages and Construction Costs

The crisis of supply is compounded by a profound shortage of skilled labor and the volatility of material costs. The residential construction sector is currently grappling with a $10.8 billion annual challenge caused by the lack of skilled tradespeople, which is directly responsible for the lost production of thousands of homes.[7, 21, 22]

Quantifying the Labor Shortage Impact

The Home Builders Institute (HBI) and the National Association of Home Builders (NAHB) have identified that the skilled labor shortage increases construction times by an average of 1.98 months.[21, 22] For single-family homes, this delay translates into $2,639 in additional carrying costs per unit.[21] These costs arise from higher interest payments on construction financing, property taxes on developed lots, and administrative expenses.[19, 21]

The shortage is particularly acute among specialized trades. Plumbers, pipefitters, and steamfitters are most likely to experience shortages, followed by cement masons and concrete finishers.[23] This labor bottleneck has a regressive effect: because higher construction costs reduce supply, homebuilders often favor higher-end homes that offer wider profit margins, further limiting options for moderate-income buyers.[24]

Material Inflation and Policy Pressures

Beyond labor, builders face skyrocketing material costs, which have risen 41.6 percent since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, far outpacing general inflation.[24] Policy choices, such as tariffs on softwood lumber from Canada and gypsum from Mexico, have exacerbated these costs.[24, 25, 26] For instance, newly imposed tariffs on construction materials are estimated to add between $10,900 and $25,500 to the price of a new home.[1]

Workforce Demographics and Immigration

The construction industry is increasingly reliant on a stable and legal immigrant workforce. Immigrant workers now account for 25.5 percent of the construction workforce—a new historic high.[7] In the skilled trades, one in three craftsmen is an immigrant.[7, 24] While Gen Z participation has doubled since 2019, reaching 14.1 percent in 2023, the industry still requires 439,000 new workers in 2025 alone to meet demand.[7, 24]

Construction Cost and Labor Impact (2025)

Metric	Single-Family Home Impact	Multifamily Impact
Construction Delay (Labor)	+1.98 months	+2.5 months
Added Carrying Cost (Labor)	$2,639	$3,500 – $5,000
Aggregate Annual Loss (US)	$10.8 Billion	$4.2 Billion (Est.)
Material Cost Increase (Since 2020)	41.6%	38.0%
Tariff Impact on Sales Price	$10,900 – $25,500	Variable

[1, 7, 21, 24]

Global Paradigms: Comparative Social Housing Models

As the private market struggles to deliver affordable housing, international models of social housing offer potential blueprints for systemic reform. Cities like Vienna, Singapore, and Helsinki have demonstrated that treating housing as a public infrastructure rather than a speculative commodity can stabilize prices and eliminate homelessness.[8, 27, 28]

The Vienna Model: Mixed-Income Stability and Recycled Capital

Vienna is widely considered the international gold standard for social housing. Approximately 60 percent of Vienna’s residents live in nonmarket housing, either in municipal units or cooperative flats built with government subsidies.[28, 29] The system is founded on the principle that housing is a social commitment, akin to roads or water.[28]

A critical feature of the Vienna model is its “income-blind” approach. Eligibility for social housing is set at a high-income cap that encompasses 75 percent of the population, which ensures that neighborhoods remain economically diverse and prevents the stigma associated with US public housing.[8, 30] Financing is another innovative pillar: the city uses a “recycled fund” model where long-term, low-interest government loans are repaid and the funds are reused to finance new projects, minimizing the need for constant new taxpayer infusions.[30]

Singapore: Public Housing as National Infrastructure

Singapore offers the most significant example of public housing at scale. In 2023, 77 percent of the resident population lived in public housing, which consists of approximately one million apartments.[8] Unlike the US “residual” model, Singaporean public housing is designed for all citizens.[8] These developments are integrated with high-quality transit and “hawker centers” (food stalls) to foster social connectivity across income classes.[8]

Finland and “Housing First”

Finland has utilized robust social housing provision—where one in six units is public—to underpin its “Housing First” policy.[8] By removing the profit motive from development and management, Finland has reduced the number of unhoused individuals from 20,000 in the 1980s to roughly 4,341 today, boasting an 80 percent success rate in keeping residents housed long-term.[8]

Comparison of Global Social Housing Systems

Feature	US Public Housing	Vienna (Austria)	Singapore (HDB)
Population Served	<5% (Lowest income)	60% (Mixed-income)	77% (Universal focus)
Eligibility Cap	30-80% AMI	75% of Population	Most Citizens
Primary Funding	HUD Grants (one-time)	Recycled Loans	State Investment/CPF
Rent Limit	30% of actual income	25% of median income	20-25% of income
Stigma Level	High (Segregated)	Low (Mainstream)	Minimal (National Norm)

[8, 27, 28, 30]

Technological Disruptions: 3D Printing and Modular Construction

Technological innovation is emerging as a critical lever for reducing the time and cost of construction. Additive manufacturing (3D printing) and modular construction represent the most significant shifts in how housing is delivered in the 2024–2025 period.[9, 31, 32]

Additive Manufacturing: Speed and Waste Reduction

3D printing construction (AM) is transforming the industry by enabling the production of complex structures from digital blueprints using concrete or recycled materials.[9] This method can reduce construction expenses by up to 45 percent through lower labor requirements and a 50 to 80 percent reduction in material waste.[9, 32, 33]

Case studies illustrate early-stage but measurable efficiency. In Williamsburg, Virginia, Habitat for Humanity and Alquist 3D completed a 1,200-square-foot home using a gantry-based printer, cutting build time by 20 percent and reducing costs to $174 per square foot compared to the market average of 200–225.[9, 33] In Texas, ICON and Lennar have printed 100 homes in the Wolf Ranch development, the world’s largest 3D-printed housing community, featuring rounded edges and solar-powered capabilities.[32, 34]

Modular Housing: Off-Site Efficiency

Modular construction involves prefabricating units in a factory setting before transporting them to the site for assembly. This approach can reduce construction time by 50 percent and costs by up to 20 percent.[26, 35] The global modular market was valued at $111 billion in 2025 and is projected to grow at a CAGR of 8.2 percent through 2033.[35] Residential projects dominate this market, accounting for 53.5 percent of its share, as developers seek sustainable and cost-effective ways to scale production in urban areas.[35]

Innovative Construction Market Forecasts (2025–2030)

Technology Segment	2025 Market Size	2030 Projected	CAGR
Modular Construction	$111.07 Billion	$165.50 Billion	8.2%
3D Printing Construction	$2.46 Billion	$11.80 Billion	37.0%
Concrete 3D Printing	$1.36 Billion	$6.50 Billion	40.0%
Off-site Prefabrication	$0.75 Billion	$4.20 Billion	42.4%

[32, 35, 36]

Market Transitions: The Rise of Small Investors and Institutional Shifts

The 2025 housing market is witnessing a profound rebalancing of investor activity. While large institutional firms previously dominated the “single-family rental” (SFR) sector, high interest rates and regulatory scrutiny have shifted the advantage toward small-scale “mom-and-pop” investors.[3, 37]

The Institutional Retreat and the “Lock-In” Impact

Institutional giants like Invitation Homes, Progress Residential, and Amherst have largely moved from acquisition to disposal modes in 2024 and 2025.[3, 38] High financing costs and the 30-year low in home sales volume have suppressed the “bulk purchase” model.[3, 25, 37] Large firms now account for just 5 percent of investor purchases, down from much higher levels during the 2010–2021 period.[3]

The Surge of Small-Scale Investors

In contrast, small investors—often funds backed by wealthy individuals or small local firms—captured 25 percent of all investor purchases in the first half of 2025.[3] In total, investors accounted for 30 percent of all single-family home purchases in early 2025, the highest share on record.[3, 37]

These investors thrive by targeting properties around the $250,000 mark, investing roughly $15,000 in renovations, and charging monthly rents of $2,000 to $2,200.[3] They often use cash to bypass high mortgage rates, allowing them to close deals in weeks while traditional buyers struggle with financing.[3] This trend puts traditional buyers at a persistent disadvantage, as they cannot compete with the speed and certainty of cash offers.[3]

Single-Family Rental (SFR) Market Composition (2025)

Investor Category	Share of Purchases (2025)	Avg. Purchase Price	Yield Target (NOI)
Small “Mom-and-Pop”	25%	$250,000	5% – 7%
Large Institutional	5%	$350,000+	4% – 5%
Build-to-Rent (BTR)	~7.8% of Starts	$400,000 (Cost)	5% – 6%
Owner-Occupant	70%	$412,500	N/A

[3, 38, 39]

Adaptive Reuse and the Transformation of Urban Cores

With office vacancy rates at their highest levels since the 1990s, the “adaptive reuse” of commercial buildings into residential units has become a central urban strategy.[40, 41, 42]

The Feasibility Gap: Design and Cost

Not all office buildings are suitable for conversion. Buildings with deep floor plates (the distance from the windows to the core) create dark interiors that are difficult to partition into legal living spaces.[40, 42] Architectural firms like Gensler have found that while many buildings are potential candidates, fewer than 1 percent of office buildings in some markets (like Puget Sound) qualify as “good” conversion candidates due to the extreme costs of retrofitting plumbing, HVAC, and fire protection systems.[41]

Regulatory and Policy Incentives

To overcome these costs, cities are implementing a variety of incentives. Philadelphia allows by-right conversions in mixed-use districts, while Seattle has passed legislation to defer sales and use taxes on construction costs for conversion projects.[42] In Alexandria, Virginia, a 30-year history of policies encouraging adaptive reuse has resulted in 15 office-to-residential projects.[43]

Another innovative approach is the “dormitory-style” conversion, which rings the perimeter with small apartments while placing shared kitchens and laundry facilities at the center. This model can reduce construction costs by 25 to 35 percent.[41]

Adaptive Reuse Case Study Successes

City	Policy Lever	Housing Outcome	Cost Savings
Alexandria, VA	Zoning for Housing	15 conversions	High (Speed)
Olympia, WA	Downtown Tax District	Mixed-income (60% AMI)	20% Subsidy
New York, NY	Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Recapture	Post-WWII office reuse	10% Density Bonus
Stamford, CT	Parking Mandate Removal	High-density conversions	$20,000 / unit

[41, 42, 43, 44]

Policy Levers and the Inclusionary Zoning Debate

Municipal governments possess significant influence over housing costs through zoning and tenant assistance programs. However, the most popular tools, such as Inclusionary Zoning (IZ), are currently the subject of intense empirical debate among housing experts.[18, 45, 46, 47]

Inclusionary Zoning: Production vs. Redistribution

IZ requires developers to rent or sell a portion of new housing units at below-market rates as a condition of approval.[18, 45, 46] While mandatory programs in New York City have approved over 2,000 units, critics argue that IZ functions as a tax on development.[18, 45] A study by the Maine Policy Institute found that IZ frequently eliminates multiple market-rate units for every subsidized unit created, potentially reducing overall availability.[18]

In Seattle, a “difference-in-differences” analysis of the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program showed that new construction increased far less in areas subject to the affordability mandate compared to upzoned areas without it.[18] Conversely, voluntary programs, like those in Austin, offer flexibility but often yield fewer units; Austin’s density bonus programs have delivered 13,000 affordable units over several years through incentives rather than mandates.[45]

Ten Actions for Local Affordability

Research by the Bipartisan Policy Center identifies ten specific actions cities can take to improve affordability:

1. Legalize more apartment units.
2. Legalize accessory dwelling units (ADUs).
3. Eliminate or reduce parking requirements.
4. Establish “by-right” or predictable permitting.
5. Build affordable housing near transit (TOD).
6. Establish affordable housing trust funds.
7. Improve housing voucher (Section 8) administration.
8. Align housing supply with market demand signals.
9. Protect against displacement and poor conditions.
10. Link housing with health and education policies.[17, 48]

Community Land Trusts and the Resale-Restricted Model

Community Land Trusts (CLTs) offer a long-term solution to the erosion of affordability by decoupling the value of the home from the value of the land.[49, 50]

The Champlain Housing Trust (CHT)

CHT, based in Vermont, is the largest CLT in the US.[51] It sells homes to families earning less than 80 percent of the area median income (AMI), with a “shared equity” model that restricts the appreciation owners can claim at resale.[49, 51] This ensures that the public subsidy used to create the initial affordability remains in the home for the next buyer.[52] Between 1984 and 2009, CHT served 683 families, with homes selling for a median price of $104,908 compared to a median appraised value of $141,626.[49]

Cooper Square and the Urban CLT Precedent

In New York City, the Cooper Square CLT has successfully resisted displacement in the Lower East Side for decades.[50, 53] It uses a dual-organizational model: the CLT owns the land, while a Mutual Housing Association (MHA) owns and manages 303 residential units.[50] This model has kept rent increases to just 3 percent since 1991, despite the neighborhood’s extreme gentrification.[50]

CLT Growth Strategies

Research on scaling CLTs identifies five “macro strategies” for expansion:

• Securing the support of local public officials to access public land at below-market prices.
• Using mixed portfolios (both ownership and rental).
• Leveraging partnerships with traditional developers.
• Reducing reliance on one-time grants by creating income-generating programs.
• Advocating as a collective movement to change state-level enabling legislation.[54]

Comparative Analysis of US Rental Subsidy Programs (2025)

Program	Units Supported (2024/25)	Primary Mechanism	Targeted Population
Housing Choice Vouchers	2.8 Million	Tenant-based (market)	<50% of AMI
LIHTC (Supply-side)	2.6 Million	Tax credits to developers	60% – 80% of AMI
Project-Based Section 8	1.3 Million	Contract to building owner	Very low income
Public Housing	0.9 Million	State owned/managed	Lowest income
Trust Funds (Local)	Variable	Local tax revenue	Low-moderate income

[12, 17, 55, 56]

The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) and Efficiency Reforms

LIHTC remains the nation’s primary tool for affordable housing development, but it is under fire for its complexity and inefficiency.[12, 56] The program currently costs the government approximately $14 billion annually.[55, 56]

Complexity as a Barrier

The LIHTC program is incredibly bureaucratic; the statute and related IRS regulations span 442 pages, while state compliance manuals can exceed 100 pages.[56] Because developers must compete for credits through complex point systems in Qualified Allocation Plans (QAPs), the “soft costs” for legal and accounting services are massive.[26, 56] Furthermore, many LIHTC developments rely on “layering” multiple funding sources, each with its own conflicting labor, environmental, and reporting requirements.[26]

Proposed Efficiency Gains

To maximize the impact of the LIHTC expansion authorized in the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” (P.L. 119-21), states are being encouraged to:

• Prioritize projects that maximize units per credit dollar.
• Promote cost-reducing techniques like modular construction.
• Utilize “income averaging,” allowing some units to serve households at 80 percent of AMI as long as the project average remains below 60 percent.[26]

The Impact of Climate Change and the Insurance Crisis on Affordability

In 2025, climate change is no longer a distant threat but a direct driver of housing costs. Rising insurance premiums were a major factor in the 26 percent growth in operating costs for multifamily owners between 2022 and 2023.[5]

The Insurance Withdrawal

Private insurers are increasingly filing non-renewals or completely exiting states with high environmental risk, such as California, Florida, and Louisiana.[4, 5] This has created a “hard stop” for some housing transactions, as it is impossible to secure a mortgage without home insurance.[11] For those who can find coverage, premiums have jumped 57 percent since 2019.[4]

Disaster Recovery and Displacement

In the wake of a disaster, rents in the impacted area typically increase 4 to 6 percent more than in similar, non-impacted markets.[5] This “disaster premium” exacerbates the supply shortage by destroying existing stock and displacing the lowest-income residents who lack the financial cushion to relocate or rebuild.[5, 57]

Future Outlook: 2026 and Beyond

Looking ahead to 2027, the housing market remains in a state of precarious transition. While the Federal Reserve’s easing cycle has begun to thaw capital markets, the “lock-in” effect and a persistent supply shortfall of up to 5.5 million units will blunt the impact of lower policy rates.[11, 14]

The United Nations estimates that by 2030, approximately 3 billion people will need access to adequate housing, requiring the production of 96,000 new units every day globally.[58] Achieving this will require a departure from 20th-century models of commodity-led housing. The 2025 data suggests that the most effective path forward combines the scale of international social housing models, the efficiency of additive manufacturing, and the permanent affordability of community land trusts. Without these radical interventions, housing will remain the principal driver of the global cost-of-living crisis, deepening social inequality and constraining economic growth for the foreseeable future.[16, 58, 59]

Summary of Key Affordable Housing Drivers (2025)

Driver	Impact Type	Current Status	Long-term Trend
Interest Rates	Monetary	Elevated (6.7%)	Slow Moderation
Supply Gap	Structural	3.8M – 5.5M Short	Widening
Labor Shortage	Industrial	$10.8B Annual Loss	Persistent
Climate Risk	Environmental	57% Premium Hike	Critical
Financialization	Market	30% Investor Share	High Concentration
Regulatory Cost	Legal	$50k per unit (NYC)	Reforming (Slowly)

[1, 4, 5, 7, 14, 19, 21, 37, 58]

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3. Home Investors Driving 2025 Housing Market Shift – CRE Daily, https://www.credaily.com/briefs/home-investors-driving-2025-housing-market-shift/
4. New Report Highlights Unease in the Housing Market Amid a Worsening Affordability Crisis, https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/press-releases/new-report-highlights-unease-housing-market-amid-worsening-affordability-crisis
5. Four Key Findings from the 2025 State of the Nation’s Housing Report, https://www.enterprisecommunity.org/blog/four-key-findings-2025-state-nations-housing-report
6. BPEA Conference Draft, March 27-28, 2025 – America’s Housing …, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/6_Glaeser-Gyourko.pdf
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13. America’s housing supply problem – Brookings Institution, https://www.brookings.edu/articles/americas-housing-affordability-crisis-and-the-decline-of-housing-supply/
14. Single-Family Rental (SFR) Market Update – Houlihan Lokey, https://www2.hl.com/pdf/2025/august-2025-sfr-market-update.pdf
15. Exploring the Current State of Knowledge on the Impact of Regulations on Housing Supply, https://archives.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/spring18/highlight2.html
16. Demographia International Housing Affordability, 2025 Edition – Chapman University, https://www.chapman.edu/communication/_files/Demographia-International-Housing-Affordability-2025-Edition.pdf
17. Ten Actions Cities Can Take to Improve Housing Affordability – Bipartisan Policy Center, https://bipartisanpolicy.org/article/10-actions-to-housing-affordability/
18. Portland Studies Inclusionary Zoning (Again) Despite Evidence – Maine Policy Institute, https://mainepolicy.org/portland-studies-inclusionary-zoning-again-despite-evidence/
19. Reforming Permitting Requirements to Lower the Cost of Building New Housing and Increase Housing Affordability | CEA, https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/cea/written-materials/2024/08/13/reforming-permitting-requirements-to-lower-the-cost-of-building-new-housing-and-increase-housing-affordability/
20. Assessing the Effects of Local Impact Fees and Land-use Regulations on Workforce Housing in Florida, https://cosspp.fsu.edu/dmc/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2020/09/Backgrounder_WorkforceHousing_12.11.18_v04_web2.pdf
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